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The traditional people of the area, the Jebeliya
Bedouin, have been living in the region for over
1400 years. In the 6th century AD the Byzantine
Emperor Justinian ordered to build St. Catherine
monastery (Jebel El Tur Monastery as it
was named at the time) and brought about 200 Roman
soldiers with their families to protect the monastery.
Hundred of these men were brought from Egypt and
the other hundred were brought from different
parts of the Byzantine empire, mainly from the
Black Sea territory. According to different accounts
they are from Romania, Macedonia, Greece or Anatolia.
The Jebeliya refer to themselves as of Romanian
or Greek descent. According to oral traditions
they came from a place called Black Mountain.
Abu El Makarem mentions that the Roman soldiers
who were brought from Egypt were named as Bni
Saleh (Sons of Saleh) and the others were
named as El Lakhmeen (the Arabic name describing
people from the Black Sea Area). They are one
of the first peoples of the present population
of Sinai. They were here before most other Bedouin
tribes and the spread of Islam, but along the
centuries intermarried with other Arab tribes
and converted to Islam. Some sections of the tribe
settled in more recently (as late as 200 years
ago), they are from other parts of Egypt, Palestine
or the Saudi peninsula. The Jebeliya traditions
and way of life are similar to other Bedouin groups,
although their origins are remembered and there
are some unique features.
Their name Jebeliya refers to the mountains (Jebel
meaning Mountain) as they always lived in these
mountains on their tribal territory. While most
other Bedouin groups are desert dwellers, the
home of the Jebeliya is in the labyrinth of high
altitude wadis. The families have gardens at different
locations in the valleys where they lived in the
summer months. When the weather became colder
people moved to lower altitude. Today they still
practice this seasonal migration to some extent,
as many families like to spend some time in the
mountains in the summer school holidays. There
are still a few older people who stay there for
prolonged periods, but younger people, in general,
are not to keen on spending much time out. The
gardens are a unique feature of the Jebeliya,
as other Bedouin groups were not involved in agriculture.
(Other Bedouin had lands and trees in Oasises,
though, but they were tended for a share by landless
peasants.) The gardens - called karm or bustan
- are encircled by massive stone walls which keep
larger animals out, and protect the garden during
flashfloods and retain the soil. Gardens were
built in the water course in the wadi floor or
in basins, where water remained underground longer.
The houses are usually built a bit further up
from the wadi floor, so sudden floods did not
cause damege to people. In the gardens they grow
many fruits not common in Egypt such as apples
and almonds. Other crops include olives, apricots,
figs, grapes and so on. They are expert gardeners
who received their first seeds from monks, and
developed drought resistant strains by grafting
branches of higher yielding varieties from the
low land onto tougher indigenous plants. They
kept and still keep animals, such as camel, sheep,
goat and poultry, although due to dry conditions
grazing is more difficult and fodder has to be
purchased from outside, making this a more costly
venture. On average a family according to a Protectorate
survey owns between 5 to 10 animals in settlements
around St. Katherine City, and 15-20 in the mountainous
areas. Good camels cost as much as 5000 LE (USD
800) and are the focus of pride. The Jebeliya
hold an annual camel race in the main wadi, Wadi
Sheikh.
The whole tribe gathered at certain occasions
in the present day El Milga area of St Katherine
(El Milga means the meeting place), or at other
locations such as the tombs of Sheikhs. Some of
the Bedouin still gather at these tombs to celebrate
"Zuara", while others consider this
practice to be "bidaa", an innovation
and not consistent with Islam. (In fact, most
of the bidaa is actually predating Islam and is
rather a survival of a tradition than an innovation.)
Zuara, also known as Sheik Day or Mulid (Moulid),
"is performed by most Sinai tribes at the
tombs of Sheiks, or in nearby shelters called
mak'ad when a Bedouin or group of Bedouin wish
to ask the Sheikh to intervene with Allah on their
behalf. Zuara is the generic name for any activity
of this sort. In addition to the Mulid, the bedouins
often practice Zuara on a weekly basis. The sick
Bedouins or their relatives, pregnant mothers
looking for healthy children, or people looking
for a good crop, go to a tomb. [...] Until the
1956 war in the Sinai, the Gebeliya and the Auled-Said
shared a common Mulid (the annual Zuara) at the
tomb of Nebi-Saleh; however the war forced them
to conduct the ceremonies at separate locations;
but the tribes are still apparently close. Now
the Gebeliya go to Aaron's tomb down the road,
and the Auled-Said go to Nebi Salah's tomb. Both
go in the 8th month. The Garasha and Sawalha also
go to Nebi-Salah's tomb for their Mulid but in
the 7th Month." Some of the Jebeliya gather
at the Tomb of Sheikh Awad on the second day of
Eid el Adha, the Feast of Sacrifice.
"The social and political units among the
Arabian nomads were groups of varying sizes. Western
writers usually refer to these as 'tribes' or,
in the case of the smaller groups and subdivisions,
'sub-tribes' and 'clans', but those terms do not
correspond exactly to Arabic terms. There are
a number of words in Arabic for such social and
political units, but the commonest usage is to
refer to a tribe or clan simply as 'the sons of
so and-so'." In the case of the Jebeliya
there are four divisions (clans) called Roba (Quarter),
which are further divided into smaller groups.
The groups are named after a distant ancestor;
Awlad (Ulad) means sons of -, Abu means father
and refers to the forefather.
The Jebeliya tribal structure
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Awlad Jindi
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Awlad Saleem
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Hamayda
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Wahabet
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Abu Krishian
Abu Jaes
Abu Masaud
El Diquni
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Abu el Heim
Abu Mugannam
Al Agra
Abu Meqbil
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Abu Hajazi
Abu Musaad
El Sana
El Hashash
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Abu Heb
Abu Karsh
Abu Ghnimen
El Whebi
El Heneni
Abu Saeid
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The Jebeliya is one of the smaller Sinai trbes,
numbering only 4,603 in 1994, most of them living
in the St. Katherina area. The neighbouring tribes
are the Ulad Said and Muzeina. Bedouin tribes
respect the tribal territories and intertribal
agreements and get along well. There are some
Ulad Said living with the Jebeliya in the St.
Katherine area. Jebeliya people also live in Wadi
Feiran and El Tur.
Today the Jebeliya are sedentary and live in stone
or concrete-block houses. The Jebeliya, unlike
other Bedouin groups, used stone buildings even
in the past, as winters are cold and there is
plenty of building material, but also used tents.
Homes are divided into a guest area and one reserved
for the family, and in most cases there are separate
entrances to the different areas. The "sitting
room", where the guets stay is called Majma,
Magaad or Majlis. Sitting often takes place outside,
next to the house, in the garden, or in the arisha,
a sitting area covered loosely with canes or other
leafy materials ('el arish' actually means palm
leaf). In most places the traditional tents are
no longer in use (apart from a few places where
it is erected next to the house to serve as the
arisha), but the arrangements and functions are
like it was in the tents. There are still some
areas in the desert where people use and know
how to make tents.
"The traditional tents of the Bedouin have
come to symbolize life in the desert. These tents
have to meet some basic requirements in order
to protect the Bedouin from the harsh and demanding
environment. They have to be easy to erect and
dismantle, easy to maintain and repair, resistant
to wind and rain and at the same time provide
insulation from the sun and protection against
the cold. Hair from black Arabian goats is used
to make the wool for the tents which are known
as Bait Al-Sha'ar, or 'House of Hair'. Women of
the tribe weave wool into long strips that are
then assembled to form the roof of the tent which
is supported by poles and secured to the ground
by ropes. To ensure good ventilation, the cloth
is secured with loose stitches. Swelling with
the rain, the fibers expand in order to keep the
tent waterproof. Curtains are hung as surrounding
walls and panels of material separate the interior
space into different rooms: the majlis, which
is the public space for receiving visitors, and
the mahram, the private space for the family."
"One section of the tent is reserved for
the men and their guests. A coffee hearth is scooped
in the sand in front of this section, and a line
of coffee pots, a pestle and mortar and a roasting
pan stand ready to hand. Rugs are spread out on
the ground, and there are cushions or camel saddles
on which the men may lean. The women do not usually
go into this part of the tent, but, if a woman's
husband is away, she may act as host and receive
unexpected guests there herself."
If you are invited for tea to someone's home,
take it as a honour and be respectful.
Bedouins have their unwritten law called Orf which
even the Egyptian authorities accept. Each law
was given a specific name like "Onwa",
"Doukhl" and "Hilf". "All
the land is a governmental property, however,
the traditional usufruct rights of the Bedouin
are respected by the Government of Egypt."
Decisions in important matters are made at tribal
gatherings called Majlis (note the word is also
used for the sitting room) with the participation
of all and are based on consensus. At these gatherings
"all might speak, but most weight attached
to the words of men of recognised authority."
"The tribal shaykh is regarded as the man
of authority who rests his case on his wealth,
his inherited prestige, his personal capabilities
in helping fellow tribe members, and-as a result
of all of this-his occupying the most preeminent
position in society. Miller states that people
accept those leaders who forego the use of overwhelming
force. With respect to tribal leaders, contentment,
good relations, and direct, straightforward relationships
facilitate the process of achieving cooperation
when the leaders are managing affairs between
themselves and their citizen subjects. Orders,
arbitrary decisions, and harsh bureaucratic decrees
can't do this."
One interesting law is Bisha, the Ordeal by Fire,
which is still practiced today by all the Sinai
Bedouin as described in detail below.
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The
Ordeal by Fire among the Bedouin in the
Sinaitic Peninsula,
witnessed by Austin Kennett as an Administrative
Officer for the
Egyptian Government in Sinai in the 1920s
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is employed to settle disputes in the absence
of evidence, usually only the more serious
charges being disposed of in this way. Just
as the Sinai Arabs are loath to employ the
oath in their disputes, unless it has been
found impossible to come to a decision by
any other means, so do they reserve the "Bisha"
(as they call the trial by ordeal) for the
more important cases only, being anxious that
the solemnity of the ordeal shall not be lost
by frequent appeal in trivial cases. The procedure
is as follows :
When a suspect is accused of murder, theft,
or any other serious charge, after heated
affirmation of the truth of the charge on
the part of the accuser and equally violent
denials and repudiation on behalf of the
accused, it may be mutually agreed that
the case shall be taken to the Bisha for
decision. The accuser and accused must first
agree upon a neutral third party, whose
duty it is to watch fair play between the
two... The three then go to the sheikh of
the Bisha, either in his own house or at
some pre-arranged place in the desert, the
whole proceedings being open to anybody
to watch, and there being no secrecy or
staging of any kind...
In the particular instance in which the
writer was an eye- witness, one Arab from
Southern Palestine had accused another Arab
from Khan Yunis of murdering his son. The
boy had been found dead in the desert, and
the body had been examined by the Government
doctor, who had found no signs of violence
whatsoever... The accused protested his
innocence and challenged the other to support
his charge by evidence.
In spite of the entire absence of evidence,
the father persisted in his accusation,
and threatened that reprisals would be taken.
The accused - apparently unwillingly - eventually
consented to undergo the trial by ordeal,
and the other agreed that if the Bisha decided
in favour of the accused he would drop his
claim. Arrangements were duly made, the
sheikh of the Bisha came from his house
in Central Sinai up to El Arish to meet
the litigants half-way, and paid an official
call on the writer, whom he invited to be
present at any time or place convenient.
The meeting was fixed for late afternoon,
in the shade of a tree near the Government
offices. A charcoal fire was burning, and
a group of fifteen or twenty onlookers squatted
in a semi-circle round the fire, in company
with the accuser and the accused, their
mutual assessor, and the two chosen by the
sheikh himself. In the centre of the group,
two or three paces in front of the rest
of the assembly, sat the sheikh, stoking
up his charcoal fire, on which the "spoon"
was laid, with the sticks of charcoal built
up round it. Some of the men were smoking
cigarettes, others puffed contentedly at
their enormous pipes, and the shadows from
the big tree over the yellow sand completed
the peaceful scene. It was difficult to
believe that in a few moments one of those
present would be tried for his life, his
fate hanging on the ugly iron spoon in the
charcoal fire.
The buzz of conversation suddenly stopped,
as one of those present made a last effort
to reconcile the litigants, and appealed
to the accuser to accept some form of compromise.
His effort was unsuccessful, the accused
himself, a swarthy Arab with finely chiselled
features and a short black beard, declaring
that he would not shirk the ordeal at this
stage of the proceedings. He seemed quite
unconcerned, took out a cigarette and lit
it from a burning stick at the edge of the
fire.
After a few minutes the sheikh of the Bisha
intimated that the spoon was hot enbugh,
and directed the accused to come and kneel
just behind his left shoulder.
"In the name of Allah, the Merciful,
the Compassionate", crooned the sheikh,
as he quietly said a prayer, in which all
present reverently joined. A small pot of
water was then passed to the accused, who
rinsed his mouth and spat noisily, after
which the three assessors carefully examined
his mouth, lips, and tongue. Taking the
handle of the spoon in his right hand, the
sheikh withdrew the spoon from the fire,
flicked the ashes off its upturned bottom
with his other hand, and presented it glowing
red to the accused at his left elbow.
For one brief moment the accused paled,
his dusky skin showing ash-grey ; and then,
pulling himself together and tightly grasping
his sword with both hands, he put out his
tongue and licked the hot spoon. As his
tongue returned to his mouth, the black
mark of the ashes was clearly seen. "Again"
called the crowd ; and this time rather
frightened and unwilling he forced himself
to comply. A third time he leant forward
- this time recklessly - and licked the
spoon, while the onlookers strained forward
eagerly to watch the ordeal.
The sheikh passed the pot of water to the
accused, who had by now released his nervous
grasp on his sword ; and after again rinsing
out his mouth, the accused returned the
water to the sheikh, and squatted on the
ground. The sheikh poured some water into
the spoon, and the noisy boiling and the
steam, together with the complete disappearance
of the water, satisfied any doubts as to
its temperature. Three times the sheikh
poured water into the belly of the spoon
- twice it boiled away immediately, and
once it remained. Then he poured more water
into the cup-like depression at the base
of the handle, and again the water boiled
away. When the spoon had been completely
cooled, the sheikh called together his two
witnesses and the assessor nominated by
both litigants, and the four then ordered
the accused to put out his tongue. With
supreme selfconfidence he obeyed, and clearly
visible to all was his tongue looking perfectly
healthy and natural. "Clean" declared
the sheikh ; "Clean" echoed the
witnesses, and a group of onlookers (including
the writer) went up to examine his tongue
and mouth more closely. On closer inspection
the faintest possible trace of a black ashy
smudge was just visible in the centre of
his tongue, which was otherwise perfectly
healthy and normal every way."
ANCIENT HEBREW SOCIAL
LIFE AND CUSTOM AS INDICATED IN LAW NARRATIVE
AND METAPHOR By R. H. Kennett
The Schweich lectures of the British Academy
1931
London, Oxford University Press 1933
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"One of the most interesting
Bedouin communal laws in St. Katherine's Protectorate
was the "Hilf". Through communal agreement
places were set aside from grazing during certain
times of the year to allow flora to recover before
grazing again. Every year, the Sheikh's agreed which
areas were to be set aside and for what period.
The period usually started before rain in October,
and ran until the following summer. The setting
of the apricot fruit was usually the indication
that grazing could start again. For the first month
camels would be allowed to graze after which sheep
and goats would also be allowed to graze in the
previously set aside area. Monastery maps identify
Hilf agreements up until 1973. Beyond this practice
appears to have died out."
Borders are well known to
tribesmen, though they generally do not prevent
movement of individuals or groups in the area.
Grazing and water resources are available to all
tribes through inter-tribal agreement. Under traditional
law individual who discover new water sources
are able to settle next to it, so long as it is
in his tribal area, however he would not be allowed
to prohibit use of the water by others. Individuals
can however have the rights to exclusive cultivate
an area of land, however the viability of this
is dependent on the availability of the water.
Between clansmen, verbal tongue-lashing
was usually sufficient to ensure compliance, with
agreements, but in the event there is conflict
over land or usufruct The "Sheikh" or
tribal leader resolves disputes both within the
tribe and represents the tribe in disputes with
other tribes. A "Haseeb" is selected
to represent each party in the dispute. One interviewee
during household surveys in the said Bedouin could
be fined 50 LE. for cutting the green parts of
a tree. It is interesting to note that Bedouins
are relatively powerless to discipline non-Bedouin
offenders, and this has important implications
on resource use in St Katherine's Protectorate
with immigration into the area.
Conservation and the Traditional Bedouin Way
of Life
Pastoral nomads are widely
regarded as being uninterested in protecting their
natural resources. While they may inadvertently
be in balance with their environment as long as
pastures are plentiful, they make no effort to
safeguard resources during times of stress, or
to ensure that future generation will enjoy what
nature provides. However investigation of their
life style, culture, customs and traditions especially
regarding their use of plants and animals suggest
the opposite conclusion; traditionally pastoral
nomads do protective of their environment and
work to maintain a balance between themselves,
their herds, and the availability of wild resources.
Attitudes towards resource management do consider
future impacts of present actions.
The principle resource supporting
the nomads' desert livelihood is one that they
have no control over, rainfall. Remarkably, their
careful use of perennial trees, like acacia and
sayal, is one of the nomads' principle means of
maintaining their traditional life-style during
prolonged drought. These trees produce green leaves
that can sustain livestock when no other pasture
is available. In times of environmental stress,
then, the nomads must achieve a very delicate
balance between using and abusing their perennial
resources. Their conservation rules are defined
clearly. The most important rule is that only
dead wood can be cut. Only when no other food
is available should a man take acacia or other
tree leaves for his herd, and only then by shaking
them off. This prohibition, which may be rooted
in an understanding of the trees ecological and
economic importance, is justified by a religious
explanation. God the nomads say, demanded in the
Koran that man should not cut living trees. As
recently as the first century AD, the long-term
effects of tree cutting were observed, and proclamations
were made to protect trees on a family-by-family
and place-by-place basis. Similar guidelines also
apply to certain shrubs. Although they fetch high
price in Nile markets, plants such as argel and
wormwood must never be uprooted or defoliated
completely, in the Bedouin tradition.
Bedouin practices come from
a detailed knowledge of the desert ecosystem.
For example they can offer biologist a nearly
complete basic inventory of their regions plants,
animals and other resources. They can distinguish
between habitats, identify floral ranges, life
cycles, and identify species with medicinal uses,
those that are palatable for man and animals,
and the usefulness of a species as a source of
fuel. Bedouin also have a good sense the extent
to which an area can exploited without degrading
it and diminishing its capacity to recover.
The Bedouins' conservation
practices preserve not only economic and aesthetic
values, but also an entire way of life. Conservation
of plants and animals is an expression of the
nomads' deep-seated beliefs. Loss of livelihoods,
also means loss a desert home and without their
cultural and historical ties that go with the
place."
References:
UNDP
Global Environment Facility
Larry Roeder: http://members.fcac.org/~lroeder/muzeina.htm
Larry Roeder: http://members.nova.org/~lroeder/tuara2.htm
R.
A. Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs, Cambridge
1930, 79. (W. Montgomery Watt)
Blending
Tradition and Progress in the Desert
Honor codes of the Bedouin
"Ird is the Bedouin honour code for women. A woman is born with her ird intact, but sexual transgression could take her ird away. Ird is different from virginity, as it is emotional / conceptual. Once lost, ird cannot be regained. [1]
Sharaf is the general Bedouin honor code for men. It can be acquired, augmented, lost and regained. Sharaf involves protection of the ird of the women of the family, protection of property, maintenance of the honor of the tribe and protection of the village (if the tribe has settled down).[1]
Hospitality (diyafa) is a virtue closely linked to Sharaf. If required, even an enemy must be given shelter and fed for some days..." Wikipedia
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Bisha'a or Bisha (the ordeal by fire, trial by fire or fire test)
"A ritual practiced today by some Bedouin tribes of the Judean, Negev and Sinai deserts for the purpose of lie detection. It is also practiced, and is said to have originated among some Bedouin tribes of Saudi Arabia. It is the best-known of various trials by ordeal which are practiced by the Bedouin, which are now dying out. It is one of the rituals in the Bedouin justice dispensary system for maintaining Sharaf - the Bedouin honor code." Wikipedia
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Into the hills (By Ragi Halim)
Trekking in Wadi Arbain and visiting Ramadan's Rock Hyrax Farm "That's no elephant! The desert creature known as the rock hyrax is excruciatingly shy in the wild, but the hyraxes kept by Ramadan Musa Abu Said, a Bedouin from southern Sinai, have been tamed --just one of the small adventures among the treks of Saint Catherine Protectorate" Al-Ahram Weekly
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